英語演講稿集錦7篇
演講稿可以按照用途、性質等來劃分，是演講上一個重要的準備工作。在現實社會中，用到演講稿的地方越來越多，你寫演講稿時總是沒有新意？下面是小編整理的英語演講稿，希望能夠幫助到大家。
英語演講稿1
尊敬的各位領導、老師：
大家下午好！我叫xx，原來在xx小學工作，近幾年來一直從事小學英語的教學，今年因工作調動，調整到我們xx小學工作，我感到非常的高興，同時，也非常感謝我們學校領導能給我這樣一次展示自我、成就自我的機會。我今天我競聘的崗位是三、四年級的英語教學。
首先我說一下自己的基本情況和工作業績：我xx年畢業於xx師專數學系，後分配到xx中學從事數學教學，xx年開始改教初中英語，xx年因身體狀況，調入小學從事小學英語教學至今，xx年自考大學本科畢業，xx年被評為中學一級教師。
自工作以來，我一直兢兢業業，勤奮工作，所教科目成績一直據全鎮前列，特別是近幾年來從事小學英語教學，所教班級多次獲得全鎮第一名，個人也多次被評為鎮教育先進工作者、優秀教師，區優秀教師，個人年考核優秀等次的榮譽稱號，並有多篇論文在市級報紙發表。
下面我談一下，我競聘英語教師的幾個優勢和條件：
1。有良好的師德
我為人處事的原則是：老老實實做人，認認真真工作，開開心心生活。自己一貫注重個人品德素質的培養，努力做到尊重領導，團結同志，工作負責，辦事公道，不計較個人得失，對工作對同志有公心，愛心，平常心和寬容心。自從參加工作以來，我首先在師德上嚴格要求自己，要做一個合格的人民教師！認真學習和領會上級教育主管部門的檔案精神，與時俱進，愛崗敬業，為人師表，熱愛學生，尊重學生，爭取讓每個學生都能享受到最好的教育，都能有不同程度的發
2。有較高的專業水平
我從xx師專數學系畢業後曾到xx師範大學進修英語教學培訓，系統而又牢固地掌握了英語教學的專業知識。多年來始終在教學第一線致力於小學英語教學及研究，使自己的專業知識得到進一步充實、更新和擴充套件。
3。有較強的教學能力
從選擇教師這門職業的第一天起，我最大的心願就是做一名受學生歡迎的好老師，為了這個心願，我一直在不懈努力著。要求自己做到牢固掌握本學科的基本理論知識。
熟悉相關學科的文化知識，不斷更新知識結構，精通業務，精心施教，把握好教學的難點重點，認真探索教學規律，鑽研教學藝術，努力形成自己的教學特色。我的教學風格和教學效果普遍受到學生的認可和歡迎。
以上所述情況，是我競聘英語教師的優勢條件，假如我有幸競聘上崗，這些優勢條件將有助於我更好的開展英語教學工作。
如果我有幸競聘成功，能擔任三四年級英語教師的話，我將從以下方面開展工作。
一是認真貫徹執行黨的教育路線、方針、政策和學校的各項決定，加強學習，積極進取，求真務實，開拓創新，不斷提高自己的綜合素質、創新能力，用自己的勤奮加智慧，完成好教學任務。使我校的英語教學上一個大的臺階。
二是做一個科研型的教師。教師的從教之日，正是重新學習之時。新時代要求教師具備的不只是操作技巧，還要有直面新情況、分析新問題、解決新矛盾的本領。進行目標明確、有針對性解決我校的英語教學難題。
做一個理念新的教師
目前，新一輪的基礎教育改革早已在我市全面推開，作為新課改的實踐者，要在認真學習新課程理念的基礎上，結合自己所教的學科，積極探索有效的.教學方法。大力改革教學，積極探索實施創新教學模式。把英語知識與學生的生活相結合，為學生創設一個富有生活氣息的真實的學習情境，同時注重學生的探究發現，引導學生在學習中學會合作交流，提高學習能力。
做一個富有愛心的老師
“不愛學生就教不好學生”，“愛學生就要愛每一個學生”。作為一名教師，要無私地奉獻愛，處處播灑愛，使我的學生在愛的激勵下，增強自信，勇於創新，不斷進取，成長為撐起祖國一片藍天的棟樑。用質樸的心愛護學生，用誠摯的情感染學生，用精湛的教學藝術薰陶學生，用忘我的工作態度影響學生。
尊敬的各位領導，各位老師，我會珍惜現有的每一個機會，努力工作，發揮出自己的最大能力，以高尚的情操、飽滿的熱情上好自己的英語課程，享受我的教學樂趣！
最後我想說：做教師，我無悔！做英語教師，我快樂！
英語演講稿2
good morning, ladies and gentlemen.
"who can so properly be the inquisitors for the nation as the representatives of the nation themselves?" "the subjects of its jurisdiction are those offenses which proceed from the misconduct of public men." and that's what we're talking about. in other words, [the jurisdiction comes] from the abuse or violation of some public trust.
it is wrong, i suggest, it is a misreading of the constitution for any member here to assert that for a member to vote for an article of impeachment means that that member must be convinced that the president should be removed from office. the constitution doesn't say that. the powers relating to impeachment are an essential check in the hands of the body of the legislature against and upon the encroachments of the executive. the division between the two branches of the legislature, the house and the senate, assigning to the one the right to accuse and to the other the right to judge, the framers of this constitution were very astute. they did not make the accusers and the judgers -- and the judges the same person.
we know the nature of impeachment. we've been talking about it awhile now. it is chiefly designed for the president and his high ministers to somehow be called into account. it is designed to "bridle" the executive if he engages in excesses. "it is designed as a method of national inquest into the conduct of public men." the framers confided in the congress the power if need be, to remove the president in order to strike a delicate balance between a president swollen with power and grown tyrannical, and preservation of the independence of the executive.
the nature of impeachment: a narrowly channeled exception to the separation-of-powers maxim. the federal convention of 1787 said that. it limited impeachment to high crimes and misdemeanors and discounted and opposed the term "maladministration." "it is to be used only for great misdemeanors," so it was said in the north carolina ratification convention. and in the virginia ratification convention: "we do not trust our liberty to a particular branch. we need one branch to check the other."
"no one need be afraid" -- the north carolina ratification convention -- "no one need be afraid that officers who commit oppression will pass with immunity." "prosecutions of impeachments will seldom fail to agitate the passions of the whole community," said hamilton in the federalist papers, number 65. "we divide into parties more or less friendly or inimical to the accused." i do not mean political parties in that sense.
英語演講稿3
good morning, ladies and gentlemen.
we've gone from losing 9 million jobs during the financial crisis to creating 10 million jobs. we've reduced the unemployment rate from 10% in october of to 6.1% today. and for the first time since the 1990s, american manufacturing is steadily5 adding jobs-over 700,000 since . and surveys of both american and foreign business leaders confirm that america once again is viewed as the best place in the world to build and invest.
that's all good news.
but an awful lot of middle class americans are still not feeling the effects of this recovery. since the year , gross domestic product-our gdp - has risen by 25%. and productivity in america is up by 30%. but middle class wages during that same time period have gone up by only fourteen cents.
folks, it's long past time to cut the middle class back into the deal, so they can benefit from the economic growth they helped create. folks, there used to be a bargain in this country supported by democrats6 and republicans, business and labor7. the bargain was simple. if an employee contributed to the growth and profitability of the company, they got to share in the profits and the benefits as well. that's what built the middle class. it's time to restore the bargain, to deal the middle class back in. because, folks, when the middle class does well, everybody does well-the wealthy get wealthier and the poor have a way up.
you know, the middle class is not a number. it's a value set. it means being able to own your home; raise your children in a safe neighborhood; send them to a good school where if they do well they can qualify to go to college and if they get accepted you'd be able to find a way to be able to send them to college. and in the meantime, if your parents need help, being able to take care of them, and hope to put aside enough money so that your children will not have to take care of you.
that's the american dream. that's what this country was built on. and that's what we'redetermined8 to restore.
in order to do that, it's time to have a fair tax structure, one that values paychecks as much as unearned income and inherited wealth, to take some of the burden off of the middle class. it's time to close tax loopholes so we can reduce the deficit9, and invest in rebuilding america - our bridges, our ports, our highways, rails, providing good jobs.
with corporate10 profits at near record highs, we should encourage corporations to invest more in research and development and the salaries of their employees. it's time for us to invest in educational opportunity to guarantee that we have the most highly skilledworkforce11 in the world, for 6 out of every 10 jobs in the near term is going to require some education beyond high school. folks, it's long past due to increase the minimum wage that will lift millions of hardworking families out of poverty target poverty and in the process produce a ripple12 effect that boosts wages for the middle class and spurs economic growth for the united states of america. economists13 acknowledge that if we do these and other things, wages will go up and we'll increase the gross domestic product of the united states.
my fellow americans, we know how to do this. we've done it before. it's the way we used to do business and we can do it that way again. all the middle class in this country want is a chance. no guarantee, just a chance.
americans want to work. and when given a fair shot, the american worker has never, ever, ever, let his country down. folks, it's never a good bet to bet against the american people.
thanks for listening.
英語演講稿4
good morning, ladies and gentlemen.
it would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the negro. this sweltering summer of the negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.
those who hope that the negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. there will be neither rest nor tranquility in america until the negro is granted his citizenship rights. the whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
but there is something that i must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. in the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.
we must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
the marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
we cannot walk alone.and as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. we cannot turn back. there are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "when will you be satisfied?" we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. we cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. we can never be satisfied as long as a negro in mississippi cannot vote and a negro in new york believes he has nothing for which to vote. no, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.
英語演講稿5
good morning, ladies and gentlemen.
during his presidency, bill clinton seized important opportunities on issues from welfare to free trade. he was a tireless champion of peace in the middle east. he used american power in the balkans to confront aggression and halt ethnic cleansing. and in all his actions and decisions, the american people sensed a deep empathy for the poor and the powerless. shortly before leaving office, president clinton said, "christ admonished us that our lives will be judged by how we do unto the least of our neighbors." throughout his career, bill clinton has done his best to live up to that standard. and americans respect him for it. at every stage of his remarkable life, president clinton has made and kept countless friends, who share in the joy of this day. and three people in particular have the largest part in this remarkable story. one day more than 30 years ago, inside the yale law library, a fellow student walked over to bill clinton and said, "if you're going to keep staring at me, and i'm going to keep staring back, we ought to at least know each other's name. mine's hillary rodham. what is yours?"that was a good day for both of them, and the beginning of a partnership unique in american history. so today, we honor the former first lady of arkansas, the former first lady of america, the united states senator from new york, senator hillary rodham clinton.
perhaps the clintons' greatest achievement is their daughter, who moved into the white house as a young girl, and left as an accomplished young lady. it's not easy to be a teenager in the white house, but it's a lot easier when you have a loving mother and a loving father that chelsea clinton had.
this magnificent presidential library, and the american life it celebrates, would not have been possible without the love and sacrifice of a special lady. among his heroes, president clinton always includes his mother, virginia kelley, "a working woman and a widow." virginia was there when her son took the oath of office, and we know that she would be incredibly proud of this day.
the story that began in a little house on hervey street in hope, arkansas is the kind of story that inspires people from every background, all over america. in this great nation, it is always possible for a child to go as far as their talent and vision can take them. visitors to this place will be reminded of the great promise of our country, and the dreams that came true in the life of our 42nd president. the william j. clinton presidential library is a gift to the future by a man who always believed in the future. and today, we thank him for loving and serving america.
英語演講稿6
good morning, ladies and gentlemen.
i’d like to share my teaching dream with you. but before that, i want to say something about the beginning of this dream. in march this year, three teachers from australia came to our school. during the meeting, we exchanged a lot about education. i found that though we have almost the same teaching philosophy, we have different routines. what impressed me most was that their schools end at 3:00 in the afternoon and have no night classes. i can’t tell which kind of routine is better, but the sharp contrast made me think about a better education. the following is a dreamy school in my mind, in which there is no pressure but pleasure.
in this school, the buildings are well designed, close to nature. in the morning, children can read while enjoying the beautiful sunrise. in the evening, they can exercise by the lake reflecting the amazing sunset. in the spring, they can go to the wild, lie on the lawn, and watch the kite flying in the blue sky. in the summer, they can go to the forest, live in a cabin, and listen to the rhythm of the rain. …
students are free but polite and they respect each other. they can leave at 4:00 every afternoon, or perhaps earlier. they have the freedom to organize time. they can go to the library, go to the lab, the computer rooms or the playground. they’re self-motivated and have a strong thirst for knowledge. and there are no frequent exams and rankings. students won’t be forced to wear uniforms everyday, and there is no required hair style. everyday is so colorful that they are looking forward to the next day when going to bed at night,
every teacher in this school can give a course as they like. there is no tedious rating, no scraps of quantitative management and no rigid standard. teachers can fully display their personality in class, and they feel very happy and content to teach. every morning, on thoughts of giving lessons, they are excited. after class, they are delighted , with smiles on their faces. some experts, scholars and masters are also visiting teachers in this school.yang zhenning can give physics classes for a day. yi zhongtian opens lectures on chinese culture for a week. speaking of music, we can ask wang lihong to give music lectures, just as he did in oxford university. if necessary, we can also invite david beckham to speak something about the world cup …
the principal of the school focuses on education rather than waste time in endless meetings and social activities. teachers’ wages are not high but enough to live comfortably. there are no other things to do except to teach. there are no paper requirements, no titles and no ranks because they don’t need to be judged by those things. almost every teacher is a well-known scholar and master in a particular field. a language teacher may be a writer at the same time. a math teacher may try to overcome a world-class guess. a physics teacher can win invention awards and a music teacher may return from an international music competition again.
in short, in this school, the principal is satisfied, the teachers are happy and the students are joyful. that’s my dream.
英語演講稿7
good morning, ladies and gentlemen.
five score years ago, a great american, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the emancipation proclamation. this momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. it came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.
but one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the negro is still not free. one hundred years later, the life of the negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. one hundred years later, the negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. one hundred years later, the negro is still languishing in the corners of american society and finds himself an exile in his own land. so we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.
in a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. when the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the constitution and the declaration of independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every american was to fall heir. this note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
it is obvious today that america has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. instead of honoring this sacred obligation, america has given the negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." but we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. we refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.
so we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
we have also come to this hallowed spot to remind america of the fierce urgency of now. this is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of god's children. now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.